We’ve been bombarded with explanations of BBM’s dominance: historical revisionism, disinformation, paid trolls, a network of pro-Marcos accounts, hyper partisan Fox News-style YouTube channels, the GMA-brokered alliance with Sara Duterte, uneducated voters, the attempt to make Sandro the Current Thing and weaponised nostalgia on TikTok.
None have explained these through the lens of aggregation theory and network effects. This is important because although any of the above are valid explanations, none would be possible without these two forces. BBM’s strategy rides on twin waves.
If Leni loses, a deeper understanding of network effects and aggregation theory are foundational to a healthy opposition.
The usual caveat applies: this is such a rabbit hole that this post merely serves as a humble overview. Regardless of the election outcome, I suspect we’ll be debating this for the next decade. And as always, I welcome your criticism and good faith counter-arguments.
The Aggregation of Narrative
“In an aggregated world it is voters aka users who decide which issues get traction and which don’t. And, by extension, the most successful politicians in an aggregated world are not those who serve the party but rather those who tell voters what they most want to hear.” -Ben Thompson, The Voters Decide
Let’s start with aggregation theory, which readers of Ben Thompson will know well. Aggregators need 3 attributes to be successful:
A direct relationship with users
Zero marginal costs for serving users
Demand-driven multi-sided networks with decreasing acquisition costs
The core of the argument is that the BBM, through disciplined long term planning, iterations based on market feedback, and a bit of good timing, bootstrapped their way across the Super Aggregators (YouTube, TikTok, and Facebook) to become an aggregator that unleashed open source myths.
BBM, TV, and YouTube are excellent examples of how aggregation theory played out:
In the post-EDSA 90s and 2000s, TV networks (mostly ABS-CBN, GMA, and TV5) delivered a bundle of content and advertising. The networks controlled production (news, noontime shows, telenovelas, celebrities) and distribution (towers, channels, regional offices). More crucially, TV networks reached viewers at a household level. Therefore, content appealed broadly to the entire family.
TV networks were gatekeepers to a Marcos revival because advertising year-round costs money and the political winds blew a different way during the FVR era. The winds got milder with Erap and GMA, but flipped with Noynoy. They flipped again with Duterte. Changing tides were not a reliable foundation for a revival strategy.
The 2010s saw YouTube (and of course Facebook, Twitter, TikTok, etc) build direct relationships with users by delivering content they cared about. Most crucially, the platforms reached users at a personal, rather than household, level: every Facebook and YouTube feed is unique to you.
The end result is that ABS-CBN and GMA’s content have been commoditized and modularized as another set of suppliers to YouTube, competing on an equal playing field with the guy in a Malabon internet cafe producing sabong videos. And yes, with the Marcoses too. The TV networks were no longer gatekeepers.
This, in essence, is the basis of BBM’s entire strategy for the past 6 years. Freed from the shackles of having to please gatekeepers, political allies, or party leaders, BBM’s team was left with the first order priority of simply focusing on end users.
No need to worry about parties, policies, and platforms; just give voters what they want to hear.
The easiest way to see this is to go to BBM’s YouTube channel and sort his videos by views. You’ll quickly observe that the top videos are basically:
Father and son watching TikTok videos and searching Google
BBM learning to play Mobile Legends
Fun and games with the whole family
And this strategy incurs zero marginal costs: once hooked with one vlog episode, it costs almost zero to get users deeper into the library because of the platforms’ recommendation engines.
Multi-sided Network Effects
At its core, network effects occur when the value of a service grows with increasing use.
YouTube creates a network effect across users, video producers, and advertisers. The more videos posted on YouTube, the more it can recommend videos users want to watch. Advertisers get to interrupt some of that watch time. The more users watch videos, the more videos producers post because they get a share of the ad revenue. More videos leads to more users, and so on. Crucially, any user can also be a video producer.
Recall that in an aggregated world, BBM has a direct relationship with his voters: he is no longer gated by TV, newspapers, or political parties. As a result, all he has to do is to give people what they want. And this is exactly what he and thousands of others have done. BBM’s constant YouTube presence - 12 years old already - just provides a spark to the cold start problem.
A 12-year old channel that’s producing at a high frequency means that BBM’s team has benefited from multiple feedback loops. You’ll clearly see this yourself - most videos from the 2010 to 2014 era barely hit 10k views. But 7 of the top 10 most viewed videos were shipped in the past two years.
The bigger library of BBM videos also means that YouTube has more videos to recommend to users (there are 2 main ways YouTube does this - in the ‘Up Next’ panel and the home screen). It’s no surprise that the vlog is on its 209th episode. That’s an average of one episode a week since the first episode aired four years ago!
TikTok’s different kind of network effect accelerates this: every single short video uploaded makes future videos more possible because of remixing, ripping, and mimicry.
On YouTube, there was a dearth of local Filipino content until the mid-2010s. As Android’s (where YouTube is preinstalled) growth accelerated in 2016-2020, so did people with YouTube channels. During this time, Filipino-produced videos had a disproportionately easier time getting ranked and recommended to a user.
It turns out, Filipinos are hungry to learn about history because it’s so boringly and pedantically taught in school (Not a coincidence that one of the top Groups on Facebook is about Filipino nostalgia). When developers in the 90s got frustrated with Microsoft, they turned to open source software. Filipinos today have turned to open source myth making.
BBM doesn’t have to go 100% conspiratorial, nor does he have to pay every single pro-Marcos channel as most pundits will argue. YouTube’s and TikTok’s network effects will do it for him. Or more precisely, the mimetic desires of the masses will indulge in decades-rich Marcos narrative and spit that back out as creative expressions - rightly or wrongly, politely or crudely - of their alternative version of history or contested imaginations of this nation state’s future.
A Thought Exercise to Close
Imagine that years before his presidential run, Marcos was rewriting history.
His father was no longer rejected by the Filipino people during a time of violence and turmoil. The accolades from American educational institutions were real.
A comfortable childhood, an early professional career where he was constantly measured against his father, and his rise from a local position in Ilocos to the national spotlight in the Senate were well covered in the media. Videos of his life story circulate all over the Philippines.
He marries the daughter of a prominent clan. His mother is ready to see her son on the cusp of the presidency.
You must be thinking of Bongbong, right?
But this is Ferdinand Marcos, circa 1964.
Ferdinand publishes his biography, For Every Tear a Victory, and chronicles his tale as a wartime hero. Mariano Marcos’ death is ret-conned: executed by the Japanese rather than by his fellow Filipinos for collaborating with the enemy. The book is widely read in American political circles, and culminates in a biopic.
If Rizal wrote facts that masqueraded as fiction, Ferdinand wrote fiction that masqueraded as facts, and single handedly controlled his narrative.
In an era without YouTube, Facebook, or TikTok, Ferdinand built his myth with the closed sourced technologies of his time: American publishing, broadcast networks, and a growing movie industry.
Sterling Seagrave, in The Marcos Dynasty, writes:
“Borrowing freely from others, the young Ferdinand Marcos created an entirely different identity for himself, a much happier one than his own, in which he was the hero, the boss, and the driving force. When he decided to go into politics, he went public with this fanciful legend, and used it to build a remarkable international career. In doing so, he was different from other charlatans only in the matter of degree. His success grew out of his resourcefulness, the gullibility of his audience, and the venality and opportunism of Washington”
Replace the ‘opportunism of Washington’ with ‘the opportunities of the Internet’ and we’re basically talking about today, but with one difference: the myths are open-sourced: anyone can build on it.
So how does Leni pull an upset against insurmountable odds?
I believe the key lies in disrupting BBM’s network effects and using aggregation theory to the opposition’s advantage. I’ll cover that in a separate post.